m1 (turm4)

Exhibition at the Generali Foundation

kmesterhazy — Fri, 13 Jan 2006 16:18:30 GMT

On Nov. 16th we had a class excursion tothe " How The Politics And Society Appear In The Image" exhibition at theGenerali Foundation.

g.f. 001(image/jpeg, 650 KB)

g.f. 003(image/jpeg, 666 KB)

g.f. 004(image/jpeg, 763 KB)

g.f. 005(image/jpeg, 663 KB)

g.f. 009(image/jpeg, 652 KB)

g.f. 010(image/jpeg, 692 KB)

g.f. 012(image/jpeg, 680 KB)

g.f. 013(image/jpeg, 759 KB)

g.f. 015(image/jpeg, 593 KB)

g.f. 016(image/jpeg, 728 KB)

g.f. 017(image/jpeg, 975 KB)

g.f. 018(image/jpeg, 801 KB)

g.f. 020(image/jpeg, 721 KB)

g.f. 021(image/jpeg, 702 KB)

g.f. 022(image/jpeg, 860 KB)

g.f. 025(image/jpeg, 884 KB)

g.f. 026(image/jpeg, 756 KB)

g.f. 028(image/jpeg, 667 KB)

g.f. 030(image/jpeg, 727 KB)

g.f. 032(image/jpeg, 910 KB)

g.f. 033(image/jpeg, 967 KB)

g.f. 034(image/jpeg, 689 KB)

g.f. 035(image/jpeg, 688 KB)

g.f. 036(image/jpeg, 775 KB)

g.f. 042(image/jpeg, 651 KB)

g.f. 043(image/jpeg, 753 KB)

g.f. 044(image/jpeg, 689 KB)

g.f. 045(image/jpeg, 764 KB)

g.f. 047(image/jpeg, 636 KB)

g.f. 048(image/jpeg, 647 KB)

g.f. 050(image/jpeg, 651 KB)

g.f. 051(image/jpeg, 857 KB)

Small Change

secondhand2 — Wed, 09 Nov 2005 12:17:32 GMT

hallo everyone interested in the visiting Generalli F. on 16th,

there is a small change in the original plan; we will have a guide, but have to pay for it. so a donation of € 1 is asked from each participant, the rest of the needed amount will be paid from the class budget, so it should be a fair deal. the entrance, as mentioned,  is for free ...

class excursion to Generali Foundation, 16.11.05

secondhand2 — Wed, 02 Nov 2005 23:17:37 GMT

Dear classmates,

as probably already known, on nov. 16th we will have a classs excursion to the "How The Society And Politics Appear In The Image" exhibition at the Generali Foundation. Marina organized entrance and guide for free. Now it is necessary to know, how many people will take part? Please confirm toivan_u72@hotmail.com

Thank u and greetings   ivan

.AVIennale / copy swap

stefanap — Mon, 31 Oct 2005 17:27:34 GMT

Come watch & swap films on >

WEDNESDAY NOVEMBER 2nd 2005@ 19.00 HOURSSEMPER DEPOT ROOM M1 (first floor)

This time screening of:"Le Fond de l'air est rouge - Scenes from the Third World War 1967-1977"By Chris Marker, 1977 / 180 mins(!)A tracing of revolutionary movements of the time period stated above. Originally only on 16 mm.

! NB ! Next session will be: NOVEMBER 23RD at 20.30. Film for screening TBA.

--The concept is to explore p2p (peer-to-peer) file sharing networks for interesting films about interesting topics such as social movements, counterculture, media critique and uprising in general.

This time I checked out Sweden-based bittorrent-tracker thepiratebay.org and found amongst other stuff: Le Fond de l'air est rouge, The Take, The Weather Underground, Life & Debt, Control Room, The Revolution will not be televised.

The copy swap part of it:Since these films were generously shared with us we will of course use the opportunity of people coming together in physical space to share the films again.Bring some pirated films and/or CD-R’s and let’s swap!

Most films are in .AVI format (hence the name of the event!) and rather compressed (1,5 hours on 700mb CD-R!). Mac (and PC) users should use the free www.videolan.org media player for playback.

stefan [at] lostclusters [dot] dk

Racism kills!

- pez - — Mon, 17 Oct 2005 14:39:04 GMT

Installation "Füsse über Waffen"

Eröffnungsrede - Solotrommel

Theater Verhandlungsfilterreport

Performance "Menschenrechtsbeirat"

live: rikidik, good vibrations

EKH, Wielandg. 2-4Fr 28.10 ab 20h

infos:www.no-racism.netwww.gale.at

29.10. ARENA: SOLIPARTY - gegen Rassismus und Polizeiwillkür!!!

Emma Hedditch - additional Reading Material

evae — Sun, 25 Sep 2005 23:29:02 GMT

BELONGING/PERTAINING DWF EDITORIAL BOARD, 1986

the 1st of 3 Texts from DonnaWomanfemme from the 80's. Its about productivity of language and ideas, suggested by Emma for collective reading during the workshop: "the content is the context. lets meet there!"

Over a years ago, we began the new DWF series with a presumption: that the need to resume a discussion on ourselves as collective subject was real and widespread; with an observation: that, in representing themselves, women often leave unsaid the cultural and political hypotheses which are being implicitly proposed; with an intention: that our journal should be the site of expression of individualities who yet do not elude the fact of belonging to their own sex, to the history of their gender, to a political history.

The continuous effort to adhere to the (always male-produced) models of maleness and femaleness, the continuous withdrawal from them because of an unrestrainable perception of their lack of authenticity, have both been read as permanent elements in the history of our gender. Between the effort and the withdrawal there lies a space which must be interpreted because it is the space of our lives; which can be interpreted because our political history makes us aware of the sexed nature of this oscillation, and of the perversion of a mechanism which condemns us to be alien either to our sex or to the world. Both kinds of alienation are easier to declare than to live through, and often lead to alienation from ourselves.

But if our lives are contained in that space - as we know they are in that same space is also a subjectivity which makes choices, measures coherences and evaluates its interests. In the editorial of our first issue, 'I like it, I don't like it' was proposed, not as a well-wishing attempt at self-legitimation, but rather as a cognitive category which would allow us to name the meanings of what we already do and want. That is to say, the meaning of our projects, the relationship between their construction and outcome and the sense of belonging to a political female gender: for this reason our second issue was entitled 'Projects/ projectuality'.

Neither site of two geometrically related lacks, nor condemnation of the gender's accepting its being itself a sign, nor metaphor of a femaleness posited as an ethical petition/reservation: the space between adhesion and reserve is for us the dimension of a woman's life. a dimension significant for its implicit sexed connotation and for the

idea of oneself and of one's own sex to which such a space lends existence.

Our third issue, 'Biographies. The feedback effect', identified in the relationship between female subjects the possibility of making explicit - finally - the wish for an advantage. In the case of biographies, this lay in uncovering and signifying all aspects of a life; we said that 'When it is not presented and perceived as misery and meaninglessness, the hidden side of another woman's exceptional life becomes knowledge of the self and of one's own sex.'

The intention to reflect on the concept of 'belonging' tends to explicate the problem of the connection between individual life and collective thought on the issue of sexual difference. Those who identify themselves in a political practice which is more an area of thought and an experience of research than a given institutional structure, such as a political party or a union, usually find it particularly difficult to define the form of their participation and collocation. In fact, it is not always enough to say that one belongs to a woman's group or that one is engaged in political work with other women. It is not enough especially if one wants to account for the experience shaped by the relationship between the individual and the collective, for the intertwinings of personal and social history, even when by 'social' one refers to the small group of women who am on& s ideal and concrete reference. Talking of belonging in these terms is an enterprise fraught with obstacles; it may actually appear impossible.

We have identified at least three types of impossibility (1) the impossibility of defining a clear and assertive form which would translate into life the statement that claiming one's belonging to the female sex is the will to draw an advantage from the fact of being a woman; (2) the impossibility of renouncing, to take into account those parts of the self which resist belonging as a political line-up, those 'nomadic' and obstinate parts which cannot be fully represented by the fact of belonging to a group; (3) the impossibility of ignoring the phantasms of belonging as a 'being part of, a being possessed, a dispossessment of the self. With some degree of simplification, it could be said that these three difficulties concern respectively the issues of women's subjectivity, individuality and identity. Knowing that these three areas of discourse are tightly interrelated has often turned out to be a further obstacle. Not by chance, analyses focused on only one of these three perspectives are countered by emphasizing the needs descending from the others. Mediating the problems connected to these discursive areas is a task which still needs much discussion.

With regard to belonging as a relationship between the individual and the collective in the shape of the problem of individual emancipation, the fact of having met with serious difficulties has not prevented an analysis of the way in which this problem works for most of us. For my part, I can contribute an example from my recent experience. For those women who, like myself, have begun their process of emancipation after feminist criticism of emancipation had already taken place and become established, entering the labour market has implied a series of difficult questions. How should 1 face in a sexed fashion the mediations with society required of those who have to cut their own path to emancipation starting from now? Here the problem of claiming one's belonging to the female sex as an advantage clashes with most empirical evidence, which still confirms that it is an obstacle or at best an inconvenience. Here, however, the usefulness of a political gesture of recognition becomes clearer; here a form of belonging as relationship between the individual and the collective can be realized. Let us go back to my personal example. In the strict system of rules commanding socialization in the work place and defining professionalism, it would have been very alienating to put up with the strain of fitting in and finding a collocation there, if I had not had the desire to give expression to the advantage of being a woman. In some way I took upon myself a 'political mandate' as a motivation: namely, the responsibility of the social representation of a female human being who expresses her desire to work and live freely. Claiming my belonging to feminist political practice has therefore two functions: it reveals oppression and it is a drive to change. This simple mechanism has different implications for the kind of relationships which I establish with my female and male colleagues, and with the object itself of my profession. But its most interesting effects are in the relationships with the women who are my political and affective interlocutors, and who are not necessarily my colleagues. 1 demand from them a critical ability and a research on themselves which should be similar to mine and open to continuous verification. I demand from them a verification - or is it a supervision? - of the proceedings and the outcomes of my 'political mandate'. In our relationship it is essential that we accept the risk of losing one another; that is, that we do not prefer affective reassurance to intelligence, the meta-world of consolation to the ability to express curiosity about the world and the self. This risk is the main guarantee to prevent belonging - as the symbolic and real tie to other women - from becoming a 'family' tie, which is not chosen, but rather compulsory and indulgent: the sort of tie which the recognition and uncritical acceptance of individual needs and shortcomings tend to produce. The forced and dull intimacy which often results from and in spite of the new habits of socialization among women is not an advantage for any of them.

The research for a structure which would no longer be only the expression of a unity among the oppressed is nowadays shared by many women and many groups. The presence of so many formations in itself bears witness to the will to escape the alienation of notbelonging and the solitary effort of giving political status to one's own autonomy as a subject, that is, of being each time and time after time the living proof of a sexed existence. However, the unwillingness of many women and groups to name their political practices (as well as their tendency to avoid the exemplary assumption of authority of groups with a great emphasis on political proposals) invites us to question the nature of the bond on which common projects are founded, and which underlies the painful and conscious loyalty to one's own individual life story.

This has been a starting point. We could not consider belonging a 'category', either of a cognitive or of an ethical nature. Yet investigating the concept of belonging meant for us proposing an itinerary of knowledge, at the same time pointing out some needs which we defined as ethical. For they imply the necessity of renovating our politics and its procedures, in order to reassess our goals, which cannot nowadays be completely identical with the proposals supported in the past by the women's movement.

Thence the hypothesis - to be verified - that belonging might be read as a 'measure', a measure of ourselves in relation to everything else; therefore a measure of the presence of the subject in any process which she enacts. It is also a measure of the individuality of the self, which can be a stage preceding the constitution of the subject; not an inevitable stage, but one which - in certain moments of women's history - is the premise or the alternative for the subjectivity under discussion here.

It seemed to us that belonging Yes also a measure of the degree of adherence posited - and perhaps experienced - by the subject with regard to her presence in the social sphere and in all the aspects of private life; the latter being a sphere connotated as the domain of emotions, where the possible failure in the passage from individual to subject in social life (with all the sufferings it entails) is more clearly recorded. If these premises were accepted, belonging would then become also the measure of the relationship which the women's movement may have, choose or endure with the spheres of culture and politics, both when belonging is defined in terms external to the movement itself, and when its properties are part of a research within the movement.

But once again, this is a hypothesis, a starting point. A hypothesis and a starting point which defer the possibility of a definition, even though they uncover grounds for intervention: factors, elements, areas which on the contrary can be defined, if they are seen and measured in terms of belonging. It is a 'negative' approach, which neglects the main object of the analysis and turns it into a tool. It can, however, be a valid approach, since a definition may still come from the results which, as a tool, it uncovers or causes. Belonging, as a measure of the degree of intimacy which the subject has with the representation of herself, in the relationships she establishes within women's society, in the confrontations she sets up with the social structure, has a historical precedent in 'belonging to the movement', to a feminist culture which is not only knowledge and writing, but also models, forms of behaviour, neuroses. The oscillation between memory and nostalgia characterizes many present political actions. It is the memory of a symbolical structure which has created a sense of belonging in the comparative reading of our lives, and has produced intelligence through conflict. When it is not simply nostalgia for a dream, it is nostalgia for that intelligence.

As is the case for all political structures, and actually more, the movement has been, bekwe and besides a political structure, a symbolical one.The recognition which each woman offered and demanded, the being and the belonging, took different forms, which were all marked by the knowledge of that recognition and of that belonging. These forms were implicit for many women, who experienced them, as it were, in the corners of their lives, without a statement or a continuous presence. But these corners became the cipher of life, they were the meaning of existence. For all women, belonging was a choice but also a necessity, and it could therefore take over a nuance of imposition. Loyalty to the movement - be it loyalty to a specific group, to a person, or to an uncertain feeling of inner collocation - demanded betrayal. The strength of unsaid commands marked the adhesion and provoked the refusal. The strength of a bond woven of words and persons fed the rebellion also to that discovery of the self and of other women which had nurtured rebellion. Especially for those women who had overcome the more evident forms of oppression, for the emancipated or half-emancipated women who already took part in cultural and political activities, for women who were no longer constrained to only a domestic role, who studied, worked, sometimes held posts involving responsibility, for women who had achieved an identity as 'persons'; especially for them seeing the oppression, accepting its existence, claiming it as their own together with all women, meant the separation from those rules which had dictated - transgression is recognition -their process of growth and their assertion of their right to exist. Suffering this separation, not only individually but as a gender, has been our first entry into the symbolic.

An insufficient entry - perhaps we must face other separations.Every hypothesis of political structure suffers an excess - ef dependence, sublimation, voluntarism, imitation - because it mimes, even before investigating it, the sense of belonging. It assumes, without interpreting the evasions, the differences and the divisions among women, that a unity of interests is possible, before evaluating what sense of belonging can determine for each woman that strate~y of interests which signifies a life. Faced with a life which imposes its daily routine, the inevitable banality of existence, each woman - in the impossibility of choosing both a total belonging to her sex/gender and a total alienation - mediates according to her untenability. The phantasm of loneliness - the reverse of the assumption of authority by the female subject when she moves in the world as an individual -shows that the sense of belonging demands its visibility, its history, its political forms.

When the self becomes passionate for self-knowledge, longs for its image and therefore chooses to identify its own intensity - its inner sense - then this bond to the self is a sign of belonging. This bond, so painful for the female being, has involved in the dimension of experience the impossibility to do without a singular identity, while always submitting it to a process of subjectivation in order to trace its style, to outline and name its forms. Between the thought of a feeling of the self, and an organization of life, this investigation finds in the sense of self-belonging a measure of reality and of the relationships with what is other than the self.

The need to belong to a political female gender has introduced in history this relationship with the self, it has given it form, placed it within a production and circulation of knowledge, within power relations.

One cannot be the solitary witness of oneself, unless as a melancholy desire to exist. Belonging to a gender relieves the solitary witness of the unconsolable pain of having to repropose a story and an image in order to fill the lack she experiences in being the only proof of her own existence. Taking risks, and belonging to one's own chosen risk, means moving oat of what is recognizable and reassuring because it changes emsting relationships and reveals their degree of alienation. Escaping alienation - not-belonging - also implies considering one's own social self, therefore striving to win what one can name.

Separatism is a form of belonging; it is the social visible aspect of our unshakable resistance to a 'moral' code against which the feminist movement opened a conflict in the field of politics. In fact, the movement began a reflection about power, hence about that knowledge which decrees the statutory inexistence of a female subjective truth and the impossibility for a woman of being the agent of her own actions.

An idea of the self as conception of one's own sex/ gender creates nets of relationships which not only involve persons - that is, female subjects - but also concern the sexed events belonging to those subjects.The female subject-event bond outlines a dimension of belonging.Imagining and trying to enact the idea and the practice of one's own belonging means learning to recognize the peculiar and specific signs of the self, without considering them ex-centric with regard to the given code; nor with regard to the political female gender, for it can be named and it can name its internal differences. The emotion of self-belonging, of belonging to one's own sex/ gender, can also be fear and loneliness; but they are a form of wonder, not the pain of a missed happiness.'Necessarily having to' face and represent oneself finds in the necessity itself the silent part of belonging, as the sexed pleasure of existence. Perhaps even the irony of 'having to be' a subject belongs to the will to win through.

Exchange - Romania

kevingular — Sat, 14 May 2005 12:14:19 GMT

Here is a space

ZONE 2005

luisa — Tue, 01 Mar 2005 13:06:53 GMT

Zwischen politischer Repräsentation undrepräsentativer Politik

Österreich 2005: Die Regierung jubelt und vergisst.Spitzenpolitiker einer der Regierungsparteien sprechen von einer „angeblichen Befreiung Österreichs 1945“ und behaupten im EU-Parlament es gäbe „keine Mitverantwortung der Republik Österreich am Holocaust“. Der österreichische Bundeskanzler verschenkt eine Million Euro an ein mehrteiliges, gedankenloses Projektvorhaben für den öffentlichen Raum, das unter anderem der Opfer des Nationalsozialismus mit einem Schwall weißer Kreuze am Heldenplatz zu gedenken dachte. Bis die Verantwortlichen während der Projektpräsentation vor der Presse die gravierenden Ausschlüsse der gewählten Symbolik erkannten: Dass Kreuze zum Gedenken an jüdische Opfer des Nationalsozialismus ungeeignet sind, hatten sie in ihrer Konzeption schlichtweg vergessen. Weniger handelt es sich bei diesem Vergessen aber um eine individuelle Verfehlung als vielmehr um ein strukturelles Symptom patriotischer Verdrängungspolitik, die nicht zuletzt im offiziellen „Jubiläums- oder Gedankenjahr 2005“ manifest wird.

Die Gruppenausstellung „Zone 2005. Zwischen politischer Repräsentation und repräsentativer Politik“ bewegt sich zwischen den Polen offizieller Repräsentation von Geschichte und aktivistischen Bündnissen, die sich gegenVereinnahmungen und Verschleierungen im Zeichen dieses Vergessens zur Wehr setzen und ein Geschichtsbild jenseits des patriotischen Opfermythos zeichnen. In zum Teil speziell für die Ausstellung realisierten Arbeiten und Dokumentationen werden die thematischen Schwerpunkte und insbesondere auch Auslassungen und Ausschlüsse des von der österreichischen Regierungausgerufenen „Jubiläumsjahres 2005“ kritisch beleuchtet. Dabei werden Geschichtskonstruktion und Nationalstaatskonstitution ebenso thematisiert wie damit verbundene institutionalisierte Rassimen.„Zone 2005“ versammelt künstlerische und aktivistische Positionen, die den Blick auf die in die Gegenwart fortwirkenden strukturellen „blinden Flecken“ österreichischer Geschichtspolitik richten, emanzipatorische Handlungsoptionen entwickeln und so versuchen eine „Perspektiv-Verschiebung“ zum offiziellen „Gedankenjahr“zu leisten.

Die Ausstellung umfasst Foto-, Video- und Textarbeiten, Installationen undDokumentationen, sowie ein kleines Filmarchiv. Im Rahmen der Finissage wird am 8. April 2005 um 12 Uhr zudem das „Monument für die Niederlage – Zeit derBefreiung 1945-47“ im Ostarrichi-Park (zwischen Landesgericht und Nationalbank) enthüllt.

Die Ausstellung wird von der Galerie der IG Bildende Kunst produziert und steht in Zusammenhang mit der Aktionsplattform „Österreich-2005: Das Vorsorge-Paket gegen ein Jahr Heimat-Feiern".

============================

Beteiligte KünstlerInnen/KünstlerInnengruppen:

Karin Berger/Elisabeth Holzinger/Lotte Podgarnik/Nadja Trallori, Café Temelin, Marina Grzinic/Aina Smid, Kathi Hofer, kinoki, Klub Zwei, Martin Krenn/Charlotte Martinz-Turek/Nora Sternfeld/Luisa Ziaja, MAIZ, Andrina Mracnikar, Organisationskomitee Bombenstimmung, Lisl Ponger, Rückgabestelle Salzburg, Anja Salomonowitz, Tim Sharp, Angelika Schuster/Tristan Sindelgruber, Christian Sperl, Hito Steyerl

============================Konzeption und Organisation:Petja Dimitrova, Martin Krenn, Luisa Ziaja

ERÖFFNUNGMittwoch, 9. März 2005, 19 UhrGalerie IG BILDENDE KUNST

AUSSTELLUNGSDAUER10. März bis 8. April 2005DI - FR 10 - 18 Uhr

FINISSAGEFreitag, 8. April 2005, 12 UhrEnthüllung„Monument für die Niederlage. Zeit der Befreiung 1945-47“Ostarrichi-Park, 1090 Wien

Weitere Infos:

Galerie IG BILDENDE KUNSTGumpendorfer Straße 10-121060 WienTel: 01-524 09 09galerie@igbildendekunst.atwww.igbildendekunst.at

Aktionsplattform „Österreich-2005:Das Vorsorge-Paket gegen ein Jahr Heimat-Feiern"www.oesterreich-2005.at

::::::: FLUC ::::::::

verena_dengler — Fri, 12 Nov 2004 11:52:54 GMT

For the parties at FLUC (to accompany the exhibitions and lectures at FLUC Mensa) on 18. 19. and 20.1. 2005 we have already a fixed DJ set.and visuals. thank you.